Showing posts with label niti aayog. Show all posts
Showing posts with label niti aayog. Show all posts

Monday, May 26, 2025

How Composite Indices Can Be Manipulated — and How to Build Them Right

 


How Composite Indices Can Be Manipulated — and How to Build Them Right

Introduction

Composite indices like the Human Development Index (HDI) or India’s SDG Index by NITI Aayog are powerful tools. They summarize complex realities — like health, education, financial inclusion — into a single, digestible score. Policymakers, media, and the public often take them at face value to judge progress and make comparisons across states or countries.

But beneath the glossy rankings lies a fundamental risk: composite indices can be easily manipulated. By selectively choosing indicators, tweaking targets, or structuring weights, institutions can paint a rosier (or gloomier) picture to serve political or strategic narratives.

This article examines the problems and risks of such manipulation and lays out a set of best-practice safeguards — with real-world examples.


The Problem: Indices Can Be Cooked

1. Discretion in Indicator Selection

Every index starts with a question: What should we measure? But when agencies have wide leeway to choose or drop indicators, they can skew the results.

  • Example: NITI Aayog’s SDG Index includes “% of households with bank accounts” under Goal 8 (Decent Work and Economic Growth). While this may reflect financial inclusion, it’s also highly correlated with per capita income. Adding such indicators inflates scores for wealthier states without adding much new information.

2. Unequal or Implicit Weighting

Even if all indicators are “equally weighted,” stacking some categories with more indicators gives them disproportionate influence.

  • Example: If Goal A has 10 indicators and Goal B only 3, then Goal A effectively dominates the final score — even if both are supposed to be equally important.

3. Gaming Targets and Scales

Scores are often normalized between a minimum and maximum value (or a 2030 target). Agencies can set easier targets, raising state scores artificially.

  • Example: If you set a modest 2030 target for electrification that most states have already achieved, it becomes a free boost in the index.

4. Opaque Methodologies

When the indicator-selection process and scoring formulae aren’t publicly disclosed or frequently change without explanation, it opens the door to undetected manipulation.


Why This Matters

Manipulated indices can:

  • Mislead the public and media;
  • Reward poor performance or penalize real progress;
  • Undermine trust in public data;
  • Allow central authorities to favor certain states or policies.

As the saying goes: “What gets measured, gets managed” — so if the measurements are flawed, the management will be too.


Homegrown Metrics or Strategic Tailoring? India’s Divergence from Global Indices

In countries like India, the push for customized indices is often framed as a rejection of “Western-biased” methodologies. Policymakers frequently argue that global frameworks fail to capture India’s unique developmental context, prompting a preference for locally tailored alternatives. However, this shift also raises concerns about methodological cherry-picking. For example, in the SDG India Index, NITI Aayog diverged from several UN-recommended indicators. Instead of using standard global metrics like “proportion of seats held by women in national parliaments,” it included domestic metrics such as female police personnel or women’s participation in local bodies — often with more favorable numbers. Similarly, the National Multidimensional Poverty Index (MPI) uses twelve indicators (instead of the UN’s ten), introducing criteria like landholding and bank account access that tend to downplay rural deprivation. The Atal Innovation Mission’s index also deviates from the Global Innovation Index by heavily emphasizing incubators and startup counts — metrics that favor urban states — while downplaying patents or R&D spending. While such adaptations may reflect local priorities, they also give policymakers room to select indicators that paint a more optimistic picture, often at the expense of global comparability and empirical rigor.

The Solution: Building Indices with Integrity

To prevent gaming, index builders should adopt scientific, transparent, and reproducible methods. Here’s how.


1. Pre-Registration of Methodology

Just like in clinical trials, the rules for building the index — indicator list, data sources, weightings, normalization methods — should be fixed and published before data collection.

  • Example: The UNDP’s HDI has maintained a consistent formula since 2010. Any changes are subjected to multi-year expert reviews.

2. MECE Indicator Design

Choose indicators that are Mutually Exclusive and Collectively Exhaustive (MECE). This avoids double-counting and ensures full coverage of the concept being measured.

  • For example, avoid including both “GDP per capita” and “bank account ownership” unless it’s proven they reflect distinct development aspects.

3. Causal Relevance, Not Just Correlation

Every indicator should have proven causal relevance to the outcome the index claims to measure. Including indicators just because they correlate with a positive trend opens the door to manipulation.

  • Use basic causal techniques like:
  • Granger causality tests
  • Instrumental variables
  • Panel regressions with controls

4. Statistical Checks: PCA or Factor Analysis

If you have dozens of indicators, use Principal Component Analysis (PCA) or Factor Analysis to:

  • Reduce dimensionality
  • Identify redundancy
  • Derive optimal weights based on variance explained
  • Example: The World Bank’s Worldwide Governance Indicators use factor models to aggregate related metrics into broader governance pillars.

5. Robustness and Sensitivity Analysis

Publish tests showing how rankings change when:

  • Indicators are added or removed
  • Weights are varied
  • Alternative normalizations are used

If a state’s rank collapses just by dropping one metric, the index is not robust.


6. Open Data and Reproducibility

Publish the raw data, the code used to calculate scores, and detailed documentation. Allow independent auditors and researchers to reproduce results.

  • Example: The OECD’s Better Life Index lets users adjust indicator weights live on their website, showing how rankings change transparently.

Conclusion

Composite indices are not inherently flawed — but they are easily weaponized unless built with rigor and transparency. In a data-driven world, trust in metrics is paramount.

If institutions like NITI Aayog want their indices to carry real weight — and not just be bureaucratic PR tools — they must commit to methodological transparency, causal integrity, and statistical soundness.

Otherwise, we risk mistaking data-driven illusions for meaningful progress.

Monday, March 31, 2025

NITI Aayog vs. Planning Commission: A Tale of Bias, Misdirection, and Missed Opportunities

 

NITI Aayog vs. Planning Commission: A Tale of Bias, Misdirection, and Missed Opportunities

When NITI Aayog replaced the Planning Commission in 2015, it was pitched as a bold reboot — swapping centralized control for cooperative federalism, rigid five-year plans for flexible policy advice. A decade later, the shift feels less like evolution and more like a pivot with trade-offs. Both institutions have shaped India’s development, but their approaches, powers, and pitfalls — especially around bias and misdirection — reveal stark contrasts. Let’s break it down with data and evidence.

Structure: Power vs. Persuasion

The Planning Commission, born in 1950, was a heavyweight. Chaired by the Prime Minister, it included a Deputy Chairperson, full-time members, and a robust secretariat, wielding authority to design and fund five-year plans. It allocated resources — ₹20.7 lakh crore across 12 plans from 1951 to 2012, per adjusted 2011–12 prices — directly influencing state budgets. States had a say via the National Development Council (NDC), where Chief Ministers could negotiate allocations, though the Centre often held sway.

NITI Aayog, launched on January 1, 2015, is leaner and toothless by design. Also chaired by the PM, it includes a Vice-Chairperson (currently Suman Bery), full-time members, and state CMs in its Governing Council. But unlike its predecessor, it has no financial muscle — its budget peaked at ₹339 crore in 2023–24, a speck against the Planning Commission’s heft. It advises, not mandates, relying on persuasion over power. Critics argue this makes it a cheerleader for central agendas, not a partner to states.

Function: Plans vs. Projections

The Planning Commission’s hallmark was its five-year plans, setting ambitious targets — like reducing poverty from 45% in 1994 to 27% by 2007 (Tendulkar methodology) — and backing them with funds. It wasn’t flawless: the 11th Plan (2007–12) aimed for 9% GDP growth but hit 7.9%, per World Bank data, hampered by global recession and domestic bottlenecks. Yet its data-driven approach, rooted in NSSO surveys and state inputs, gave it credibility, even if execution lagged.

NITI Aayog ditched plans for indices and vision documents — think SDG India Index or the 2017 “India@75” roadmap. Its 2024 poverty claim, asserting a drop from 29.17% in 2013–14 to 11.28% in 2022–23 (lifting 24.82 crore people), showcases its style: bold projections over concrete action. Unlike the Planning Commission’s reliance on consumption surveys, NITI leans on the Multidimensional Poverty Index (MPI) and NFHS data, projecting gains through COVID-19 disruptions despite halted NFHS-5 surveys in 22 states and a slashed education budget (2.9% of GDP in 2023, per UNESCO). This optimism feels like misdirection when 80 crore Indians still need free rations.

Bias: Centralized Control vs. Political Alignment

The Planning Commission wasn’t immune to bias. Its top-down model favored Congress-ruled states during its heyday — Maharashtra and Andhra Pradesh often bagged bigger shares in the 1970s and 80s, per NDC records. Yet it had checks: the NDC forced dialogue, and its funding power gave states leverage to push back. A 2011 CAG audit criticized its “one-size-fits-all” approach, but it rarely hid inconvenient data — like the 37% poverty rate in 2011–12.

NITI Aayog’s bias tilts differently. Lacking allocation authority, it’s accused of amplifying BJP priorities. The 2024 Governing Council boycott by seven opposition-ruled states (Tamil Nadu, Kerala, etc.) over Budget snubs highlights this: central scheme funds disproportionately flow to BJP states — Uttar Pradesh got ₹1.79 lakh crore for highways (2014–2023), while Kerala lagged. NITI’s Health Index ranks states competitively but glosses over resource gaps — Kerala funds 70% of its top-ranked health system, while poorer BJP states lean on central aid. Its reliance on non-official sources (27 of 94 footnotes in a 2018 water report from media/blogs) further fuels perceptions of narrative-driven spin.

Misdirection: Underselling vs. Overselling

The Planning Commission’s misdirection was subtle — underselling failures to protect political egos. The 8th Plan (1992–97) targeted 5.6% growth but hit 6.8%, yet rural poverty lingered at 44% (1993–94), per NSSO data, masked by urban gains. It rarely hyped unverified wins, sticking to measurable (if flawed) outcomes.

NITI Aayog excels at overselling. Its “95% rural electrification” claim in 2018 counted villages with 10% household coverage — a 2021 CAG audit found 2.5 million homes still dark. The Global Innovation Index jump (81st in 2015 to 40th in 2022) is touted as a win, but R&D spending stagnates at 0.7% of GDP (World Bank), far below China’s 2.4%. NITI’s rosy reports distract from structural woes — 22% child stunting in 2023 (UNICEF) contradicts its poverty “miracle.”

Impact: Legacy vs. Limelight

The Planning Commission built dams, schools, and industries — its irrigation push lifted coverage from 17% of farmland in 1951 to 45% by 2011, per Ministry of Agriculture data. Its clout came at a cost: bureaucratic inertia and a Delhi-centric lens. NITI Aayog’s legacy is less tangible — indices and advisories don’t fill potholes. India’s press freedom rank (150th in 2024) and rising Gini coefficient (35.7 in 2021) suggest its cheerleading hasn’t tackled inequality or accountability.

The Verdict

The Planning Commission was a flawed giant — biased, but grounded; directive, but deliverable. NITI Aayog is a nimble narrator — flexible, but flimsy; cooperative in name, but often a megaphone for power. One misdirected through silence, the other through hype. India needs a hybrid: NITI’s agility with the Commission’s authority, minus the politics. Until then, both remind us — data can inform, but intent decides what we see.



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