How Western Far-Right Conspiracy Theories Have Infiltrated the Indian Right Wing

 

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How Western Far-Right Conspiracy Theories Have Infiltrated the Indian Right Wing

In the past decade, the Indian right wing has undergone a significant ideological shift, increasingly absorbing conspiracy theories and narratives that originated in the far-right ecosystems of the West — particularly the United States. While these theories often begin in fringe spaces like QAnon forums, right-wing YouTube channels, or Telegram groups abroad, they’ve found new life in India, adapted to local cultural and political contexts.

Here are some of the most notable Western conspiracy theories that have taken root in Indian right-wing discourse:

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1. Bill Gates — Vaccines and Population Control

The conspiracy theory that Bill Gates is using vaccines to control or reduce the global population has been a staple of American far-right rhetoric. In India, this theory has found fertile ground, especially during the COVID-19 pandemic.

Gates’ philanthropic efforts in India — whether in polio eradication, Aadhaar infrastructure, or agriculture — have been recast by Indian conspiracy theorists as covert attempts to experiment on or surveil the Indian population. Right-wing WhatsApp forwards and influencers paint him as a symbol of Western tech overreach and neocolonial control.

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2. George Soros — The Global Puppet Master

In the global far-right imagination, George Soros is the ultimate bogeyman — a billionaire orchestrating liberal revolutions from behind the scenes. This narrative has been enthusiastically adopted by Indian right-wing circles.

When Soros publicly criticized the Modi government and expressed support for “open societies,” Indian right-wing influencers and politicians went into overdrive, accusing him of funding anti-national media, anti-CAA protests, and civil society groups aimed at destabilizing India. Soros has since become shorthand in India for “foreign-funded interference.”

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3. Mother Teresa — A Saint or a Conversion Agent?

Mother Teresa is revered around the world for her humanitarian work, but in sections of the Indian right wing, she is viewed with deep suspicion. A recurring theory is that her missionary work was actually a front for mass conversions to Christianity and, in more extreme versions, child trafficking.

These claims, though widely debunked, have been repeated by politicians like Yogi Adityanath and amplified on social media. This mirrors older colonial anxieties and aligns with global right-wing skepticism of religious charities and NGOs.

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4. Deep State and the “Tukde Tukde Gang”

While the American far right talks about a “deep state” sabotaging Donald Trump, the Indian right has its own version: the “Tukde Tukde Gang.”

This label is used to describe an imagined anti-national coalition of leftists, secular intellectuals, human rights activists, and journalists. From JNU to Bollywood, this supposed cabal is accused of conspiring against India’s unity and sovereignty — similar to how American right-wingers talk about universities, Hollywood, and the media.

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5. Climate NGOs and the Anti-Development Agenda

Some segments of the Indian right have begun embracing Western-style climate change skepticism. Global environmental NGOs are accused of trying to halt India’s development by weaponizing environmental concerns.

The narrative goes that these organizations, often funded by foreign donors, are stalling infrastructure projects, mining, and industrial growth in tribal and rural areas — not to protect nature, but to keep India poor and dependent.

This aligns closely with conspiracy theories pushed by Western oil-funded think tanks that label climate activism as a covert anti-growth agenda.

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Final Thoughts

These conspiracy theories are not just fringe ideas anymore — they are shaping policy debates, media narratives, and public perception. As global digital ecosystems converge, it’s becoming harder to draw clear lines between what’s “imported” and what’s “homegrown.” But understanding where these ideas come from — and how they morph in the Indian context — is crucial to confronting them.

If India’s right-wing discourse is being shaped by American paranoia, it’s worth asking: Whose vision of nationalism are we really following?

The Dysfunctionality of India’s Lokpal: A Broken Promise of Anti-Corruption Reform

 

The Dysfunctionality of India’s Lokpal: A Broken Promise of Anti-Corruption Reform

India’s Lokpal, established as a beacon of hope to combat corruption, has been mired in dysfunctionality since its inception in 2019. Conceived under the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act, 2013, the institution was a direct outcome of the historic Anna Hazare-led Jan Lokpal movement, which galvanized public outrage against rampant corruption and played a pivotal role in the political upheaval that led to the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) coming to power in 2014. Yet, over a decade later, the Lokpal’s dismal performance — marked by low investigation rates, high complaint rejections, and operational inefficiencies — has rendered it a shadow of its intended purpose. This article delves into the Lokpal’s shortcomings, supported by data, and examines its roots in the anti-corruption movement that reshaped India’s political landscape.

The Genesis: Anna Andolan and the Demand for Lokpal

In 2011, India witnessed an unprecedented civil society movement led by social activist Anna Hazare, dubbed the “Anna Andolan.” The movement demanded the creation of a strong, independent anti-corruption ombudsman — the Jan Lokpal — to investigate and prosecute corruption cases involving public officials, including the highest echelons of government. The United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government, led by the Congress party, was reeling under a series of high-profile corruption scandals, including the 2G spectrum case and the Commonwealth Games scam. Public frustration with systemic graft fueled the movement, with millions rallying behind Hazare’s call for reform.

The Anna Andolan became a turning point in Indian politics. It exposed the UPA’s perceived inaction on corruption, eroding its credibility. The movement’s momentum, amplified by media coverage and the involvement of figures like Arvind Kejriwal, who later formed the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), created a groundswell of anti-incumbency. This public discontent was a significant factor in the UPA’s defeat in the 2014 general elections, paving the way for the NDA, led by Narendra Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), to assume power with a promise of clean governance and institutional reform.

The Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act, passed in 2013 under intense public pressure, was a direct outcome of this movement. However, the Act’s implementation was delayed, with the first Lokpal appointed only in March 2019, six years later. This delay set the tone for the institution’s troubled journey.

The Lokpal’s Dismal Track Record: Facts and Figures

Since its operational start in 2019, the Lokpal has failed to live up to its mandate of investigating corruption allegations against public functionaries, including the Prime Minister, Members of Parliament, and government officials. The data paints a stark picture of its ineffectiveness:

• Complaint Handling: From 2019 to 2023, the Lokpal received 8,703 complaints, disposing of 5,981, with 68% (approximately 4,067) dismissed without any action, according to a 2023 parliamentary panel report (The Hindu, 2023). Over five years (2019–2024), only 2,320 defect-free complaints were registered, with just 226 lodged between April and December 2024 (The Hindu, 2024).
• Investigations and Prosecutions: Out of the 2,320 defect-free complaints, the Lokpal ordered probes in only 24 cases and granted prosecution sanctions in a mere 6 cases over five years (The Hindu, 2024). As of April 2023, not a single person accused of graft had been prosecuted, underscoring the institution’s negligible impact.
• High Rejection Rates: Nearly 90% of complaints were rejected for not adhering to the prescribed format, with 6,775 complaints dismissed on technical grounds from 2019 to 2023. In 2022–23 alone, only 242 out of 2,760 complaints were deemed correctly formatted (The Hindu, 2023). Critics argue that this stringent requirement stifles genuine grievances.
• Budget and Infrastructure: Despite significant funding — ₹197 crore allocated in 2022–23 (with ₹152 crore spent by January 2023) and ₹92 crore for the current fiscal year — the Lokpal spent ₹254.88 crore on office space at the World Trade Centre in Delhi (The Hindu, 2022). Yet, it relies on temporary staff and lacks permanent employees, hampering efficiency.

These figures highlight a systemic failure to translate complaints into meaningful action, raising questions about the Lokpal’s role as an anti-corruption watchdog.

Operational Challenges: A Crippled Institution

The Lokpal’s dysfunctionality stems from multiple operational hurdles:

1. Leadership Vacancies: The institution faced a two-year leadership gap after Justice Pinaki Chandra Ghosh’s tenure ended in May 2022, with Justice (retd) A.M. Khanwilkar appointed only in March 2024. Key positions like Director of Inquiry and Director of Prosecution remain vacant, forcing reliance on external agencies like the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) and Central Vigilance Commission (CVC), which introduces delays.
2. Bureaucratic Bottlenecks: The Lokpal’s dependence on the CBI and CVC for investigations creates inefficiencies, as these agencies have their own priorities and limitations. Former Karnataka Lokayukta Justice Santosh Hegde described the Lokpal as existing “in name only,” lacking statutory power (The Print, 2021).
3. Low Public Awareness: Limited public knowledge about the Lokpal’s role and complaint-filing procedures contributes to the low number of defect-free complaints. The requirement to file complaints within seven years of an alleged offense, as per Section 53 of the Act, further restricts its scope.
4. Resource Constraints: The reliance on temporary staff and inadequate technological support hampers case processing. Despite recommendations for enhanced staffing and coordination with other anti-corruption bodies, progress remains slow (Optimize IAS, 2024).

These challenges have rendered the Lokpal a “non-starter,” as described by critics, failing to inspire confidence in its ability to tackle corruption (The Print, 2021).

The Political Context: From Anna Andolan to NDA’s Rise

The Lokpal’s dysfunctionality must be viewed in the context of its origins. The Anna Andolan was not just a demand for an anti-corruption body but a broader critique of governance under the UPA. The movement’s protests, centered at Delhi’s Ramlila Maidan, drew diverse crowds — students, professionals, and ordinary citizens — united by frustration with systemic corruption. The UPA’s initial resistance to the Jan Lokpal Bill, coupled with its handling of the protests, was perceived as dismissive, further alienating voters.

The BJP capitalized on this sentiment, with Modi’s 2014 campaign emphasizing “Na Khaunga, Na Khane Doonga” (I will neither take nor let others take bribes). The NDA’s victory was seen as a mandate for anti-corruption reforms, with the Lokpal expected to be a cornerstone of this agenda. However, the delay in operationalizing the Lokpal until 2019 and its subsequent underperformance have led to accusations that the government’s commitment to anti-corruption was more rhetorical than substantive.

The Anna Andolan also birthed the AAP, which leveraged anti-corruption sentiment to win Delhi’s state elections in 2013 and 2015. The movement’s legacy thus reshaped India’s political landscape, but the Lokpal’s failure to deliver has left many of its promises unfulfilled.

A Broken Promise: The Lokpal’s Legacy

The Lokpal’s dysfunctionality is a stark contrast to the hope it inspired during the Anna Andolan. Instead of becoming a robust anti-corruption institution, it has been criticized as a “caged parrot,” akin to other agencies like the CBI, lacking independence and effectiveness (ClearIAS, 2024). The parliamentary panel’s 2023 recommendation that the Lokpal act as an “enabler rather than an inhibitor” reflects its failure to meet public expectations (The Hindu, 2023).

Recent developments, such as the Lokpal’s first foundation day celebration in January 2025 and efforts to fill vacancies, offer some hope (NextIAS, 2025). However, with nearly 90% of complaints rejected and minimal prosecutions, the institution remains a hollow symbol of reform. The lack of uniformity in state-level Lokayuktas, with some states weakening their powers, further undermines the national anti-corruption framework.

Conclusion: A Call for Reform

The Lokpal’s journey from a rallying cry of the Anna Andolan to a dysfunctional institution reflects a missed opportunity in India’s fight against corruption. Its low investigation rates, high rejection of complaints, and operational inefficiencies have eroded public trust in a body meant to uphold transparency and accountability. The movement that toppled the UPA and brought the NDA to power in 2014 was rooted in the promise of systemic change, but the Lokpal’s performance suggests that promise remains unfulfilled.

To salvage its mandate, the Lokpal needs urgent reforms: simplifying complaint procedures, filling leadership vacancies, enhancing staffing and technology, and ensuring greater independence from bureaucratic constraints. Only then can it honor the legacy of the Anna Andolan and fulfill its role as India’s anti-corruption watchdog. Until such changes are made, the Lokpal will remain a cautionary tale of how even the most well-intentioned reforms can falter without effective implementation.