Does India’s Police Show Bias in Policing Social Media Religious Insults?

 A Look at FIRs for Insulting Hinduism vs. Islam—and What It Says About Enforcement

In a country where 80% of the population is Hindu and 15% Muslim, you’d expect social media to reflect that split. More Hindus, more posts, and—logically—more chances for someone to criticize Islam, right? If that’s true, police actions against those insulting Islam should outnumber cases against those targeting Hinduism. But in India, where religion and politics intertwine like monsoon vines, the reality might not match this simple math. So, let’s dig into the data—or at least what we can find of it—and see if the police are playing favorites when it comes to social media crackdowns.

The Legal Landscape

First, the basics. In India, posting something online that insults a religion can land you in hot water under laws like Section 153A (promoting enmity) or Section 295A (outraging religious feelings) of the Indian Penal Code. These aren’t new rules—they’ve been around since colonial times—but social media has turned them into a lightning rod. The National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) tracks hate speech cases, reporting 1,444 under Section 153A in 2022 alone, a 45% jump from the year before. But here’s the catch: the NCRB doesn’t break it down by religion targeted or whether it’s a tweet or a street rant. That leaves us piecing together the puzzle with news reports, court filings, and X posts.

Cases in the Spotlight

Let’s start with Hinduism. High-profile cases suggest police are quick to act when Hindu sentiments are on the line. Take Ratan Lal, a Delhi University professor, who in 2022 faced an FIR for a tweet about the Shivling in the Gyanvapi Mosque dispute. Or Rana Ayyub, a journalist ordered by a Delhi court in January 2025 to face an FIR for allegedly insulting Hindu deities online. X users have flagged other examples too—like a cartoonist booked for mocking Maa Durga or someone holding a “F**k Hindutva” placard. These cases often spark outrage from Hindu groups, and the police seem to follow through.

Now, flip the coin to Islam. There’s Tarak Biswas, a West Bengal blogger arrested in 2016 for criticizing Islam online, charged under multiple IPC sections. Or Aneesh, an ex-Muslim from Tamil Nadu, nabbed in 2022 for remarks about Prophet Muhammad (he got bail later). There’s also the “Mangalore Muslim” Facebook page, hit with an FIR in 2022 for derogatory content. These cases exist, but they feel less frequent—or at least less spotlighted—than those involving Hinduism.

The Numbers Game

Here’s where it gets tricky. Without NCRB data splitting FIRs by religion, we’re stuck with anecdotes and trends. The India Hate Lab reported 1,165 hate speech events in 2024, with 98.5% targeting Muslims, but that’s events—not FIRs—and includes offline incidents. Hate speech against Muslims is rampant, yet police action against those posting it doesn’t seem to match the volume. Compare that to the swift FIRs for Hinduism-related posts, and a pattern emerges: enforcement might lean toward protecting the majority’s feelings.

My initial hunch was that with 80% Hindus, posts bashing Islam would dominate, and police would crack down harder there. But the evidence suggests the opposite. Actions against Hinduism insults—especially by minorities or government critics—seem to get more attention. Take Mohammed Zubair, arrested for a satirical tweet seen as anti-Hindu, versus Nupur Sharma, booked but not arrested for remarks about Islam. The difference in treatment raises eyebrows.

Is There Bias?

Reports back this up. Human Rights Watch has flagged “systematic discrimination” against minorities, noting police often punish Muslim protesters while letting Hindu mobs off the hook. The Status of Policing in India Report 2025 found religious bias among officers, influenced by caste and politics too. In a country where the ruling BJP pushes a Hindu nationalist agenda, it’s not a stretch to see why police might prioritize Hindu sentiments. Delhi Police, for instance, have been called out for delaying action against Hindu leaders like Suresh Chavhanke, while jumping on cases like Zubair’s.

This doesn’t mean no one’s punished for insulting Islam—just that the scale and urgency seem uneven. It’s less about raw numbers (which we can’t fully pin down) and more about who’s targeted and how fast. Minorities criticizing Hinduism often face the brunt, while majority voices get more leeway.

What Does It Mean?

If police are tougher on posts insulting Hinduism despite the population suggesting otherwise, it flips my logic on its head. It’s not just about who’s posting more—it’s about who’s watching and who’s complaining. Hindu nationalist groups have muscle, and the state often aligns with them. That’s not a conspiracy; it’s politics meeting policing. The result? A system that might not reflect India’s diversity so much as its power dynamics.

This isn’t airtight—better data could shift the picture. But based on what’s out there, the police don’t seem neutral. They’re not just reacting to posts; they’re reflecting a broader bias. Next time you scroll X and see a religious spat, ask yourself: who’s more likely to face the cops? The answer might say more about India than the post itself.