The CWG Case: Closure and Vindication
On April 28, 2025, the Enforcement Directorate filed a closure report in the alleged 2010 Commonwealth Games scam, stating that no evidence of money laundering was found during its investigation. The Delhi court accepted the report, effectively closing a case that had been a major point of contention during the UPA’s tenure. The CWG, hosted in Delhi, was initially celebrated as a milestone for India’s global image but soon became mired in allegations of financial irregularities, inflated contracts, and mismanagement. The estimated cost overrun, pegged at around ₹70,000 crore by some critics, was used by the BJP and other opposition parties to paint the Congress-led UPA government as corrupt and inefficient.
The CWG case was particularly damaging because it targeted prominent Congress leaders, including former Delhi Chief Minister Sheila Dikshit and CWG Organizing Committee Chairman Suresh Kalmadi. The opposition’s narrative, amplified by media coverage, suggested systemic looting of public funds. However, the ED’s closure report has cast doubt on these claims, reinforcing the argument that the scandal was exaggerated for political gain. Social media posts on X have echoed this sentiment, with users noting that the CWG case, like other alleged scams, was used to “defame Congress” and “topple the UPA government.” One post poignantly remarked that Sheila Dikshit and former Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, who passed away before the closure, “carried the burden” of these unproven allegations.
The closure of the CWG case underscores how allegations of corruption can be weaponized without sufficient evidence, only to collapse under scrutiny years later. For Congress, this vindication comes too late to undo the political damage inflicted during the 2014 elections, when the BJP capitalized on public outrage to secure a landslide victory.
The 2G Spectrum Case: A “Scam” That Wasn’t
The 2G spectrum allocation case, often cited as one of India’s biggest scams, was another cornerstone of the opposition’s campaign against the UPA. In 2008, then-Telecom Minister A. Raja was accused of allocating 2G spectrum licenses at below-market rates, causing a “notional loss” of ₹1.76 lakh crore to the exchequer, as per a 2010 report by the Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG). The figure, though speculative, became a rallying cry for the BJP, which accused the Congress-led government of crony capitalism and corruption. The media frenzy and public outrage culminated in the Supreme Court canceling 122 licenses in 2012 and ordering a special CBI court to try the accused.
However, on December 21, 2017, the special CBI court delivered a stunning verdict, acquitting all accused, including A. Raja, DMK MP Kanimozhi, and several corporate executives. The court, presided over by Judge O.P. Saini, ruled that the prosecution had “miserably failed” to prove any charges, describing the case as based on “misreading” and “selective reading” of evidence. The judge noted that the CBI’s chargesheet was “choreographed” and lacked evidence of criminality or conspiracy.
The acquittal was a significant blow to the narrative constructed by the BJP and amplified by sections of the media. Congress leaders, including former Telecom Minister Kapil Sibal, argued that the verdict vindicated their stance that the 2G allocation was not a scam but a policy decision aimed at increasing telecom penetration by keeping costs low. The subsequent spectrum auctions under the BJP-led NDA government, which fetched ₹1.10 lakh crore in 2015 and ₹66,000 crore in 2016, were cited by the BJP as proof of the UPA’s losses. However, Congress countered that the 2G policy was designed to prioritize affordability and access, not revenue maximization.
The 2G case exemplifies how a speculative figure from a CAG report was transformed into a political weapon. The BJP’s relentless campaign, coupled with media sensationalism, created a perception of widespread corruption that overshadowed the UPA’s achievements, such as economic growth and social welfare programs. The acquittal, though a legal victory for Congress, could not reverse the political damage that contributed to the UPA’s defeat in 2014.
The Bofors Scandal: A Decades-Long Political Tool
The Bofors scandal, dating back to the 1980s, was one of India’s first major corruption controversies and set the template for how allegations could be used to tarnish a government’s image. In 1986, India signed a ₹1,437-crore deal with Swedish arms manufacturer AB Bofors for 400 155mm howitzer guns. A year later, a Swedish radio broadcast alleged that Bofors had paid ₹600 million in bribes to Indian politicians and defense personnel, including those close to then-Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi. The accusations, broken by journalist Chitra Subramaniam for The Hindu, implicated Italian businessman Ottavio Quattrocchi, believed to be close to the Gandhi family, and others like Win Chadha and the Hinduja brothers.
The Bofors scandal became a political firestorm, with the opposition, including the BJP and V.P. Singh’s Janata Dal, accusing the Congress government of compromising national security for personal gain. The controversy dominated the 1989 elections, contributing to Rajiv Gandhi’s defeat. Despite extensive investigations by the CBI, the case dragged on for decades with little concrete evidence. In 2004, a Delhi court exonerated Rajiv Gandhi, and in 2011, Quattrocchi was discharged after years of failed extradition attempts. The Hinduja brothers were acquitted in 2015, and Quattrocchi passed away in 2013, leaving the case unresolved but effectively closed.
The Bofors case was a masterclass in opposition propaganda. The BJP and other parties used it to portray Congress as inherently corrupt, a narrative that resonated with voters frustrated by economic challenges. Even though the CBI’s investigations failed to conclusively prove the allegations, the scandal’s political impact was profound, cementing the perception of Congress as a party mired in graft. The case also highlighted the challenges of prosecuting complex international deals, where evidence is often circumstantial or inaccessible.
The Role of Propaganda and Political Gain
The CWG, 2G, and Bofors cases share a common thread: they were amplified by the BJP and other opposition parties to create a narrative of systemic corruption under Congress rule. The BJP’s strategy was particularly effective in the lead-up to the 2014 elections, when Narendra Modi frequently cited these scandals to contrast the UPA’s alleged misgovernance with his promise of a corruption-free India. The CAG’s speculative loss figures, especially in the 2G and coal allocation cases, were weaponized to shock the public, even though courts later found little evidence to support the claims.
Media played a crucial role in this propaganda. Sensational headlines and relentless coverage of alleged scams shaped public perception, often without waiting for legal verdicts. Social media, though nascent during the CWG and 2G controversies, has since amplified these narratives, with recent posts on X reflecting Congress’s frustration at being “tagged as a scammer party without even doing any scam.” The BJP’s ability to control the narrative was further aided by the Congress’s defensive posture and inability to counter the allegations effectively at the time.
The opposition’s demand for Joint Parliamentary Committees (JPCs) to probe these scandals was another tactic to keep the controversies alive. In the case of 2G, the JPC was criticized by opposition members for not summoning key figures like A. Raja and P. Chidambaram, leading to dissent notes and accusations of a whitewash. Similarly, the Bofors JPC in the 1980s was rejected by the opposition, which resigned en masse, forcing elections. These demands, while framed as calls for accountability, often served to prolong public outrage and pressure the government.
The Aftermath and Lessons
The closure of the CWG case, the acquittal in the 2G case, and the fading of the Bofors scandal highlight the gap between political narratives and legal realities. For Congress, these developments are bittersweet. While they vindicate leaders like Manmohan Singh, who famously said, “History will be kinder to me than the contemporary media,” they also underscore the party’s failure to manage public perception during its tenure. The BJP’s success in 2014 was not just about promising development but also about capitalizing on the UPA’s perceived corruption, a perception that legal verdicts have since challenged.
These cases also raise broader questions about the role of investigative agencies and the media in shaping political outcomes. The CAG’s role in estimating “notional losses” has been criticized for overstepping its mandate, while the CBI’s handling of the 2G and Bofors cases has been questioned for its inconsistencies. The media’s rush to judgment, often driven by sensationalism, further muddies the waters, leaving the public with distorted views of complex policy decisions.
Conclusion
The CWG, 2G, and Bofors scandals were more than just allegations of corruption; they were carefully orchestrated campaigns by the BJP and other opposition parties to undermine Congress and seize power. The recent closure of the CWG case by the ED, the 2017 acquittal in the 2G case, and the prolonged, inconclusive Bofors investigations reveal the fragility of these accusations. While the Congress has been vindicated in the courts, the political damage was done long ago, proving that in the arena of public perception, narratives often outweigh facts. As India moves forward, these cases serve as a cautionary tale about the dangers of weaponizing allegations without evidence and the need for a more discerning media and electorate to separate truth from propaganda
