Showing posts with label brahmin. Show all posts
Showing posts with label brahmin. Show all posts

Saturday, May 31, 2025

The Caste Dynamics of Indian Classical Dance: From Devadasis to Brahminical Appropriation

 Indian classical dances such as Bharatanatyam, Kuchipudi, and Odissi are celebrated as timeless embodiments of India’s cultural heritage. Yet, their modern practice reveals a complex history of caste, colonialism, and cultural appropriation that has sidelined the very communities who birthed these art forms. Once performed by lower-caste women like Devadasis and Maharis, these dances are now largely dominated by upper-caste Hindus, particularly Brahmins. This shift, rooted in colonial suppression and 20th-century revivalism, underscores a troubling erasure of marginalized voices in India’s artistic legacy.
Devadasi named Gnyana of Tanjore, 19th century. She also performed at the Royapuram Station Hall at the reception held for the Prince of Wales in 1875.


Historical Roots in Marginalized Communities
Indian classical dances have deep origins in the traditions of Devadasis (in Tamil Nadu), Maharis (in Odisha), and Nautch girls, among others. These women, often from Dalit or Other Backward Classes (OBC) communities, were highly skilled in music, dance, and temple rituals. Their performances in temples and royal courts were not only artistic but also held spiritual and cultural significance. Far from the stigmatized perception they face today, Devadasis and their counterparts were once respected as custodians of sophisticated artistic traditions.
However, their caste and gender made them vulnerable to exploitation. While their roles were prestigious in certain contexts, their association with temple and courtesan traditions often placed them on society’s margins, a dynamic that would later be weaponized against them.
Colonial Suppression and Stigma
The arrival of British colonial rule in the 18th and 19th centuries marked a turning point. Through a Victorian moral lens, the British branded Devadasis and similar performers as “prostitutes,” condemning their practices as immoral. Colonial policies eroded the socio-economic systems that supported these women, dismantling their roles in temples and courts. The Devadasi Abolition Act of 1947 (and subsequent amendments) formalized this suppression, outlawing their temple performances and further stigmatizing their communities. As a result, their art forms—intricately tied to their caste, gender, and perceived sexuality—were shunned, leaving a cultural vacuum.
The Brahminical Revival: Sanitization and Appropriation
In the early 20th century, a movement to “revive” Indian classical dance emerged as part of a broader nationalist effort to reclaim cultural heritage. Figures like Rukmini Devi Arundale, a Brahmin and founder of Kalakshetra, played a pivotal role in reshaping Bharatanatyam. This revival, however, came at a cost. The dance was stripped of its erotic and folk elements, reframed as a “spiritual” and “respectable” art form suitable for urban elites and global audiences. By moving performances from temples and courtesan spaces to proscenium stages and formal institutions, the art was “sanitized” to align with upper-caste sensibilities.
This process effectively excluded the original practitioners. Upper-caste families, particularly Brahmins, began learning and teaching these dances, establishing themselves as the new custodians. State-funded academies, cultural sabhas, and dance schools—often controlled by upper-caste networks—further entrenched this shift, sidelining Devadasi descendants and other marginalized communities.
Why Upper-Caste Dominance Persists
Today, the ecosystem of Indian classical dance remains predominantly upper-caste, especially Brahmin-dominated, for several reasons:
  1. Access and Privilege: Upper-caste families often have the financial resources, leisure time, and social networks to pursue and promote classical dance. Training, costumes, and performance opportunities require significant investment, which excludes many from marginalized backgrounds.
  2. Cultural Gatekeeping: The guru-shishya (teacher-student) tradition, concert halls (sabhas), and institutional frameworks are largely controlled by upper-caste practitioners. These gatekeepers often dictate who can access training and performance spaces, marginalizing lower-caste artists.
  3. Persistent Stigma: Descendants of Devadasi and similar communities face ongoing social and economic stigma, which discourages their participation in the “respectable” world of classical dance. Their historical association with sensuality and caste-based prejudice further alienates them.
  4. Erasure in Education: The curricula and syllabi of dance institutions rarely acknowledge the contributions of Devadasis or other marginalized groups. The “classical” label, with its emphasis on purity and tradition, obscures the dances’ roots in lower-caste and folk traditions.
The Irony of “Classical” Dance
The irony is stark: the women whose traditions formed the backbone of Indian classical dance are now largely excluded from its practice and recognition. The “classicization” of these art forms has erased their complex histories of caste, gender, and sexuality, presenting a sanitized version that aligns with upper-caste values. This appropriation not only marginalizes Devadasi descendants but also distorts the rich, diverse origins of these dances.
Resistance and Reclamation
In recent years, a growing movement has sought to address this injustice. Dalit and Bahujan artists, alongside scholars like Saskia Kersenboom, Vijaya Ramaswamy, and Davesh Soneji, have worked to document the contributions of marginalized communities and challenge casteism in the arts. Their efforts highlight the need for inclusive dance education and caste-aware pedagogy. Grassroots initiatives are slowly creating space for lower-caste artists to reclaim their heritage, though systemic barriers remain formidable.
Moving Forward
The dominance of upper-caste Hindus in Indian classical dance is a legacy of colonial disruption and Brahminical appropriation, but it is not an immutable reality. Acknowledging the contributions of Devadasis, Maharis, and other marginalized women is a critical first step. Institutions must prioritize inclusive access, diversify their leadership, and integrate honest historical narratives into their curricula. Only then can Indian classical dance truly reflect the richness of its origins—a vibrant tapestry woven by artists of all castes and backgrounds.
By confronting its casteist past and present, the world of Indian classical dance can honor its true custodians and reclaim its place as a universal art form, rooted in resilience, creativity, and diversity.

Monday, April 14, 2025

The Myth of Meritocracy: Why Success Isn’t Just About “Merit”

 Lately, there's been a flood of posts on social media claiming that Brahmins succeed because they’re “more meritorious”—as if centuries of systemic privilege had nothing to do with it. Let’s unpack that.

Because meritocracy—as it’s often thrown around—is not as clean, fair, or neutral as it sounds. Especially not in India.


🧠 What Even Is Meritocracy?

Meritocracy is the idea that people succeed based on their abilities, intelligence, and effort—rather than their caste, class, or connections. Sounds fair, right?

But what happens when some people have been denied opportunities for generations, while others have had unbroken access to education, resources, and networks?

As Dr. B.R. Ambedkar said:

"Caste is not a division of labour, it is a division of labourers."

Brahmins weren’t just taught books. They were assigned the exclusive right to knowledge itself. Others weren’t just uneducated—they were forbidden from being educated.


🧱 Merit Is Built—Not Born

Let’s say two kids are running a race. One starts from the start line, the other starts 100 meters behind. Who wins? Who’s “faster”?

The one with the head start might say, “I won because I trained harder.”

But in truth—they just started ahead. And society clapped for them, calling it "merit".

This is India’s story with Brahminical success.

Kancha Ilaiah puts it bluntly in his book Post-Hindu India:

“The Brahmin child is born with a spoon of English in the mouth and Sanskrit in the brain.”


🏫 Access, Not Ability

Before we talk about "merit", ask:

  • Who had teachers in their family?

  • Who had money for coaching?

  • Who had libraries at home?

  • Who had the mental peace to study without worrying about caste-based violence, hunger, or discrimination?

“Merit” without equality of conditions is just privilege pretending to be excellence.


🧾 A History of Head-Starts

  • Manusmriti made sure Dalits were punished for even hearing the Vedas.

  • Colonial education systems were built around upper-caste norms.

  • Post-independence bureaucracy was dominated by those already fluent in English and administrative culture.

Ambedkar again, hitting hard:

“The caste system is not merely a division of labour—it is also a division of laborers in a graded manner.”


🎯 So Why Does This Narrative Persist?

Because it feels good. It flatters the ego. It's easier to believe “I earned this” than to confront a system that boosted you from birth.

It’s not that individual Brahmins haven’t worked hard. Many have. But to ignore the invisible support structure behind them is dishonest.

It’s like inheriting a mansion and then saying you’re a self-made architect.


🔥 Final Word

If India were truly a meritocracy, Ambedkar wouldn’t have had to write Annihilation of Caste. Phule wouldn’t have had to open the first schools for Shudras. And reservation wouldn’t have been necessary.

So next time someone brags about meritocracy favoring Brahmins, remember:

"Those who have enjoyed privilege for generations often see equality as oppression."

Thursday, April 10, 2025

The Defenders of Caste: A Look at Pro-Caste Discrimination Groups in Hindu History

 The caste system, one of the most enduring and controversial aspects of Hindu society, has sparked fierce debates for centuries. While reformers like Jyotirao Phule and Sri Narayana Guru fought to dismantle its rigid hierarchies, others stood firm in its defense, arguing it was a sacred and functional order. These pro-caste discrimination groups—rooted in scripture, tradition, and ideology—left an indelible mark on India’s social fabric. Who were they, what did they believe, and how did they justify their stance? Let’s dive into their world.

The Scriptural Backbone: Manu and the Manusmriti
No discussion of pro-caste ideology can skip the Manusmriti, the ancient legal text attributed to the mythical sage Manu (circa 200 BCE–200 CE). Often called the "lawbook of Hinduism," it codified caste duties with chilling precision. One of its most cited verses declares:
"For the prosperity of the worlds, He [the Creator] from His mouth, arms, thighs, and feet created the Brahmin, the Kshatriya, the Vaishya, and the Shudra." (Manusmriti 1.31, trans. George Bühler)
This origin story framed caste as divine, with Brahmins (priests) at the top and Shudras (servants) at the bottom. The text didn’t stop at theology—it prescribed strict rules, like barring Shudras from Vedic study: "If a Shudra intentionally listens to the Vedas, his ears should be filled with molten lead" (Manusmriti 4.99). Harsh? Absolutely. But for its defenders, it was a blueprint for cosmic harmony.
Later pro-caste groups leaned heavily on Manu’s authority. The Manusmriti wasn’t just a relic—it was a rallying cry for those who saw caste as Hinduism’s backbone.
The Philosophers: Madhvacharya and the Vedic Order
Fast forward to the medieval era, and we meet Madhvacharya (1238–1317), the founder of Dvaita Vedanta. A towering philosopher, he didn’t just accept caste—he theologized it. Madhvacharya argued that the Varna system reflected innate spiritual capacities, tied to birth and karma. In his commentary on the Bhagavad Gita, he interpreted Krishna’s words—"The fourfold Varna was created by Me" (4.13)—as proof of a divinely ordained hierarchy.
For Madhvacharya, caste wasn’t oppression; it was destiny. His followers, often Brahmin elites, used his teachings to reinforce their status, claiming spiritual superiority over lower castes. While he focused on metaphysics, his ideas gave intellectual heft to pro-caste groups centuries later.
The Orthodox Revival: Sanatan Dharma Sabhas
By the 19th century, British rule and reform movements like the Brahmo Samaj threatened traditional Hindu norms. Enter the Sanatan Dharma Sabhas—orthodox societies determined to protect caste from "Western corruption." Formed across India, these groups saw caste as the glue of Hindu civilization. One of their key texts, the Dharma Shastra, echoed Manu: "Each caste has its own dharma; to abandon it is to invite chaos."
The Bharat Dharma Mahamandal, founded in 1887, took this further. Its leaders, often Brahmin pandits, argued that caste preserved purity and prevented social "mixing." They opposed inter-caste dining and temple entry for Dalits, claiming such acts defied scripture. In a 1902 manifesto, they wrote: "The Varna system is the eternal law; to break it is to break Hinduism itself" (cited in Jaffrelot, Religion, Caste, and Politics in India).
These groups weren’t just nostalgic—they were militant in their defense of tradition, clashing with reformers like Swami Vivekananda, who called caste a "disease" in its rigid form.
The Hindutva Twist: M. S. Golwalkar’s Vision
In the 20th century, pro-caste ideology found a modern champion in M. S. Golwalkar, the second head of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). In his 1939 book We, or Our Nationhood Defined, Golwalkar praised the Varna system as a "scientific" social order:
"The Hindu people have lived for centuries in perfect harmony because of the Varna system, which assigns each his place and function."
Golwalkar didn’t deny caste’s inequalities—he embraced them as natural. He distinguished "casteism" (petty rivalries) from caste itself, which he saw as unifying. While he opposed untouchability to consolidate Hindu unity, he rejected calls to abolish caste, arguing it was integral to India’s identity. His ideas influenced the RSS and its affiliates, shaping a pro-caste narrative within Hindutva circles.
The Brahmin Sabhas: Guardians of Privilege
Localized groups like the Brahman Sabha in Bengal (19th century) took a more practical approach. Comprising Brahmin elites, they resisted anti-caste reforms with a mix of scripture and self-interest. When reformers pushed for widow remarriage or Dalit education, these sabhas pushed back, citing texts like the Rigveda (10.90), which describes society as a body with Brahmins as the head and Shudras as the feet.
Their logic was simple: caste ensured order, and Brahmins were its rightful stewards. In an 1870s petition against reform, a Bengal Sabha declared: "To educate the low-born is to invite rebellion against dharma" (quoted in Sarkar, Writing Social History). It was less theology, more power play—but it worked for them.
Why Did They Fight for Caste?
Pro-caste groups weren’t just stubborn traditionalists. For them, caste was a sacred framework that mirrored the universe’s order—Brahmins as intellect, Kshatriyas as strength, Vaishyas as wealth, Shudras as labor. Disruption meant chaos. Plus, let’s be real: it preserved privilege for the upper castes, who dominated land, temples, and learning.
Their sayings—whether Manu’s stark commands or Golwalkar’s nationalist spin—reveal a worldview where hierarchy wasn’t oppression but purpose. Critics like B. R. Ambedkar called it a "system of graded inequality," but defenders saw it as eternal truth.
Legacy and Tension
Today, pro-caste voices are quieter but not gone. Orthodox pockets and some Hindutva factions still echo these ideas, clashing with India’s constitutional push for equality. The tension between caste’s defenders and its reformers remains a defining thread in Hinduism’s story—a debate as old as the Manusmriti itself.

Inside the BJP-RSS Digital Machinery: How India’s Most Powerful Political Network Shapes Online Narratives

  Inside the BJP-RSS Digital Machinery: How India’s Most Powerful Political Network Shapes Online Narratives The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP...