The Doctrine of Karma: A Tool for Justifying Caste Discrimination in Hinduism, Past and Present

 

The Doctrine of Karma: A Tool for Justifying Caste Discrimination in Hinduism, Past and Present

In Hindu philosophy, karma represents the universal law of cause and effect, where an individual’s actions in one life determine their fate in subsequent rebirths. This concept, intertwined with the caste system (varna), has historically served as a mechanism to rationalize social hierarchies and discrimination. The caste system divides society into four primary varnas: Brahmins (priests and scholars), Kshatriyas (warriors and rulers), Vaishyas (merchants and farmers), and Shudras (laborers and servants), with those outside often labeled as Dalits or “untouchables.” Proponents argued that one’s birth into a specific caste reflects accumulated karma from past lives — good deeds leading to higher castes and bad deeds to lower ones. This framework not only perpetuated inequality but also discouraged social mobility, framing discrimination as a form of cosmic justice.

While ancient texts like the Manusmriti and Bhagavad Gita provide scriptural backing for this view, modern interpretations and societal attitudes reveal how these ideas remain deeply ingrained, despite legal prohibitions on caste discrimination in India.

Historical Justification Through Scriptural Texts

Ancient Hindu scriptures explicitly link karma to caste, portraying social status as a direct outcome of past actions. This interpretation justified discrimination by suggesting that lower castes deserved their plight as penance for previous sins, while higher castes enjoyed privileges as rewards for virtue.The Manusmriti, a foundational Dharma Shastra text dated between the 2nd century BCE and 3rd century CE, is particularly explicit. In Chapter 12, it details how actions (karma) dictate rebirth into various forms, including castes. For instance, Manusmriti 12.9 states: “In consequence of (many) sinful acts committed with his body, a man becomes (in the next birth) something inanimate, in consequence (of sins) committed by speech, a bird, or a beast, and in consequence of mental (sins he is re-born in) a low caste.”

This verse directly ties moral failings to rebirth in a “low caste,” implying that Shudras or outcastes are paying for past transgressions.

Further, Manusmriti 12.3 explains: “Action, which springs from the mind, from speech, and from the body, produces either good or evil results; by action are caused the (various) conditions of men, the highest, the middling, and the lowest.”

Here, “highest” and “lowest” conditions refer to caste positions, with virtuous actions leading to elevated rebirths and sinful ones to degradation. Manusmriti 12.40–41 elaborates on the three gunas (qualities): “Those endowed with Goodness reach the state of gods, those endowed with Activity the state of men, and those endowed with Darkness ever sink to the condition of beasts; that is the threefold course of transmigrations. But know this threefold course of transmigrations that depends on the (three) qualities (to be again) threefold, low, middling, and high, according to the particular nature of the acts and the knowledge (of each man).”

Sudras are associated with the middling state of Darkness (Manusmriti 12.43: “Elephants, horses, Sudras, and despicable barbarians, lions, tigers, and boars (are) the middling states, caused by (the quality of) Darkness”), reinforcing their inferior status as karmic punishment.

The Bhagavad Gita, part of the Mahabharata (circa 400 BCE–200 CE), also connects karma and guna to caste duties. In Gita 4:13, Lord Krishna declares: “I created mankind in four classes, different in their qualities and actions; though unchanging, I am the agent of this, the actor who never acts!”

This verse attributes the four varnas to divine creation based on gunas and karma, not birth alone, but it has been interpreted to justify hereditary castes. Gita 18:41–44 outlines duties: “The actions of a brahmana arising from his own nature are serenity, self-control, austerity, purity, tolerance, honest, knowledge of the Vedas, wisdom and firm faith… The actions of a sudra born of his own nature consists in service to brahmana, ksatriyas and vaisyas.”

Gita 18:47 reinforces adherence: “It is better to engage in one’s own svadharma (occupation), even though one may perform it imperfectly than to accept another’s occupation and perform it perfectly. Duties prescribed according to one’s nature are never affected by sinful reactions.”

Such passages encouraged acceptance of one’s caste role as karmically ordained, perpetuating discrimination.

Justification of Brahmin Privilege

Brahmins, positioned at the apex of the varna system, were granted extensive privileges, justified as rewards for superior karma from past lives. Texts portray them as spiritually elite, with their high status reflecting accumulated merit.

Manusmriti I-31 states: “For the welfare of humanity the supreme creator Brahma, gave birth to the Brahmins from his mouth, the Kshatriyas from his shoulders, the Vaishyas from his thighs and Shudras from his feet.”

This origin myth elevates Brahmins symbolically and karmically. Manusmriti VIII-20 to 22 asserts: “Any country, where there are no Brahmins, of where they are not happy will get devastated and destroyed.”

Privileges include exemptions from harsh punishments and rights over others; Manusmriti VIII-50,56 and 59 allows Brahmins to enslave Shudras without remuneration, as “the Shudra is created by Brahma to serve the Brahmins.”

Karma theory amplifies this: Being born a Brahmin indicates “good past life karma,” granting “direct access to religious learning and to the Law (Dharma).”

Manusmriti 12.48 places Brahmins in the highest rank of Goodness: “Hermits, ascetics, Brahmanas, the crowds of the Vaimanika deities, the lunar mansions, and the Daityas (form) the first (and lowest rank of the) existences caused by Goodness.”

This karmic justification framed Brahmin supremacy as divine and unassailable, allowing them to monopolize knowledge, rituals, and social power.

Justification for Shudra Oppression

Conversely, Shudras were depicted as the lowest varna, their status rationalized as punishment for poor karma, condemning them to servitude and exclusion.

Manusmriti 1–91 declares: “God said the duty of a Shudra is to serve the upper varnas faithfully with devotion and without grumbling.”

Education was forbidden; Manusmriti IV-78 to 81 states: “A Shudra is unfit of receive education. The upper varnas should not impart education or give advice to a Shudra… Violators will go to as amrita hell.”

Punishments were severe and discriminatory: Manusmriti VIII. 270: “A Shudra who insults a twice born man with gross invectives shall have his tongue cut out; for he is of low origin.”

Intercourse with higher castes invited death (Manusmriti VIII. 374).

Karma provided the rationale: “A person of bad deeds [is reborn] as a dog or a Chandala (a lower caste).”

Manusmriti 12.9 and 12.43 link sins to rebirth as Sudras or worse, justifying their subjugation as self-inflicted through past actions.

This discouraged resistance, as enduring hardship was seen as a path to better rebirth.

Persistence in Modern India

Though India’s 1950 Constitution outlawed caste discrimination and implemented affirmative action, karma-based justifications remain embedded in cultural attitudes. Surveys show belief in karma correlates with support for caste hierarchies, including opposition to inter-caste marriages and reduced aid for the poor.

In rural areas, lower castes face exclusion from jobs, education, and neighborhoods, often rationalized as “karmic fate.”

Critics argue karma is “fundamentally casteist,” blaming victims while absolving systemic oppression.

Reform movements, like those led by B.R. Ambedkar, challenge these views, but ingrained beliefs perpetuate subtle discrimination in marriage, employment, and social interactions.

Conclusion

The use of karma to justify caste discrimination, as enshrined in texts like the Manusmriti and Bhagavad Gita, created a resilient ideological framework that privileged Brahmins while oppressing Shudras. This not only historical but persists today, hindering social equality. Addressing it requires reevaluating scriptural interpretations through a lens of justice and humanity.

Ending Caste Discrimination: A Call for Justice and Equality in India

 

Ending Caste Discrimination: A Call for Justice and Equality in India

In July 2023, a deeply disturbing video emerged from Madhya Pradesh’s Sidhi district, capturing a man urinating on a tribal laborer. This act of humiliation was not an isolated incident but a stark reminder of the entrenched caste-based discrimination that continues to plague Indian society.

The Incident and Immediate Response

The video, which quickly went viral, showed an upper-caste man committing an act of degradation against a tribal individual. The Madhya Pradesh government responded promptly:

• Arrest and Legal Action: The accused was arrested and charged under multiple sections of the Indian Penal Code, including the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act. Additionally, the stringent National Security Act (NSA) was invoked against him.
• Demolition of Property: Authorities demolished a portion of the accused’s family home, citing it as an illegal construction.
• Compensation to the Victim: The state government sanctioned financial assistance totaling ₹6.5 lakh for the victim — ₹5 lakh as relief and ₹1.5 lakh for the construction of a house.
• Symbolic Gesture: Chief Minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan met the victim, washed his feet, and offered a public apology on behalf of the state.

Political Affiliations and Controversy

The accused was reportedly associated with a local Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) Member of Legislative Assembly (MLA). His father claimed he served as a representative for the MLA. However, the MLA denied any such association, stating that the accused was neither his representative nor connected to the BJP. The BJP’s state president also emphasized that individuals committing such acts do not belong to any party and confirmed that the accused had been removed from the party.

Community Reactions and Controversial Statements

The incident elicited varied responses from different quarters:

• Brahmin Organizations’ Stance: The Akhil Bharatiya Brahmin Samaj (ABBS) condemned the act but opposed the demolition of the accused’s home, arguing that his family should not be punished for his actions. They demanded a judicial inquiry into the incident, an apology from the state government for demolishing the house, compensation for rebuilding it, and revocation of the NSA.
• Controversial Remarks: National President of the Brahmin Mahasabha, sparked outrage by questioning the severity of the act, asking, “What is the crime in urinating? What harm does it cause?” He also raised doubts about the victim’s state during the incident.
• Support for the Accused’s Family: The ABBS launched a fundraising campaign, reportedly donating ₹51,000 to the accused’s family, with contributions pouring in from across the state.

Legal and Social Implications

The invocation of the NSA, typically reserved for threats to national security, in this case, sparked debates about the proportionality of legal responses. Some legal experts questioned its application, while others argued that extraordinary measures are necessary to address the deep-rooted caste-based violence that has long operated with impunity.

The incident also highlighted the challenges in delivering justice, especially when community organizations and political affiliations come into play, potentially influencing the course of legal proceedings and public perception.

Conclusion

This incident underscores the pervasive nature of caste-based discrimination in India. While swift governmental action and public condemnation are steps in the right direction, addressing the systemic nature of such discrimination requires sustained efforts, including legal reforms, education, and societal change.

Ending caste discrimination is not just a concern for marginalized communities; it’s a national imperative. India must respond not only with outrage when such incidents come to light but with consistent action that affirms the dignity and equality of every individual.

Jyotiba Phule: The Revolutionary Voice Behind Ghulamgiri

 

Jyotiba Phule: The Revolutionary Voice Behind Ghulamgiri

In the pantheon of India’s social reformers, few names shine as brightly as Jyotirao Govindrao Phule — better known as Jyotiba Phule. Born in 1827 in Maharashtra, Phule was a thinker, writer, and activist whose fearless critique of the caste system and dedication to education laid the groundwork for modern India’s fight against inequality. Among his many contributions, his book Ghulamgiri (translated as Slavery) stands out as a blazing manifesto that challenged the oppressive structures of his time — and continues to resonate today.

A Life Forged in Resistance

Jyotiba Phule was born into a family of the Mali caste, traditionally gardeners, classified as Shudras in the rigid Hindu varna system of Hindu society. Growing up in Pune, he witnessed firsthand the deep inequities of caste and gender that defined 19th-century India. A formative moment came in 1848 when he was insulted at a Brahmin friend’s wedding for daring to join the procession — a privilege denied to “lower” castes. This humiliation sparked a lifelong mission: to dismantle the systems that dehumanized millions.

Phule’s response was radical for his time. Alongside his wife, Savitribai Phule, he opened India’s first school for girls in 1848, defying societal norms. He later founded the Satyashodhak Samaj (Society of Truth Seekers) in 1873, a movement to empower the marginalized — Shudras, Dalits, and women — through education and self-awareness. But it was his written word, particularly Ghulamgiri, that crystallized his vision and shook the foundations of Brahminical dominance.

Ghulamgiri: A Cry Against Slavery

Published in 1873 in Marathi with an English preface, Ghulamgiri is a searing critique of the caste system, which Phule equated with slavery. Dedicated to the American abolitionists who fought to end slavery after the Civil War, the book draws a bold parallel between the plight of enslaved African Americans and India’s oppressed castes. For Phule, caste was not a divine order but a tool of exploitation, engineered by Brahmins to subjugate the masses.

Written as a dialogue between Phule and a fictional character named Dhondiba, Ghulamgiri blends sharp logic with biting satire. Phule dismantles Hindu myths used to justify caste hierarchies — like the Purushasukta hymn, which claims Brahmins emerged from Brahma’s head and Shudras from his feet. He poses a provocative question: “Does this mean Brahma had four va***as?” With such wit, he exposes the absurdity of these narratives, urging the downtrodden to reject their “mental slavery.”

Phule also reinterprets history. He challenges the Aryan invasion theory — not to deny it, but to flip its moral script. He portrays Brahmins as invaders who conquered indigenous peoples, casting them as cruel oppressors rather than superior beings. Through this lens, he elevates non-Aryan figures like Bali Raja as heroic resistors, offering Shudras and Ati-Shudras a proud counter-narrative to Brahminical supremacy.

A Vision Beyond Caste

What makes Ghulamgiri timeless is its scope. Phule didn’t just attack caste; he envisioned a society rooted in equality and reason. He praised British rule — not as a colonial apologist, but as a pragmatist who saw its education system as a liberatory force against Brahmin monopoly. He urged his people to seize this moment: “The British are here today, but they may not be tomorrow.” Likewise, he thanked Christian missionaries for awakening the lower castes to their inherent worth, a stance that drew criticism but reflected his unapologetic focus on emancipation.

Phule’s work wasn’t limited to Ghulamgiri. He wrote prolifically — Shetkaryacha Asud (The Cultivator’s Whipcord), Tritiya Ratna (The Third Gem), and Sarvajanik Satya Dharma (The Universal Religion of Truth) — each text hammering at injustice with relentless clarity. Yet Ghulamgiri remains his clarion call, a text that inspired B.R. Ambedkar, who called Phule one of his three gurus, alongside Kabir and Buddha.

Why Phule Matters Today

In 2025, as India grapples with persistent caste discrimination, gender inequality, and educational disparities, Phule’s voice feels urgent. Ghulamgiri isn’t just a historical artifact; it’s a mirror reflecting our unfinished struggles. His emphasis on education as emancipation echoes in debates over access and equity. His critique of myth-as-oppression challenges us to question narratives that still divide us.

Phule’s life was a testament to action. He didn’t just write — he built schools, fought for widows’ rights, and empowered his wife Savitribai to become a revolutionary in her own right. Together, they lit a spark that burns in movements for justice worldwide.

Rediscovering a Radical Legacy

If you haven’t heard of Jyotiba Phule, let this be your invitation. Pick up Ghulamgiri — available in Marathi, Hindi, and English translations — and hear his words roar across centuries. Read about Savitribai, whose courage matched his own. Explore the Satyashodhak Samaj, a blueprint for grassroots change.

Phule wasn’t a saint or a savior; he was a man who saw suffering and refused to look away. In an era of rising inequality, his question lingers: Will we break the chains of ghulamgiri, or remain slaves to the past? The answer, as he knew, lies with us.

Caste Representation in India's Government: Progress and Persistent Gaps

 India's caste system has long been a defining social structure, and its impact on governance and public service remains a contentious issue. While affirmative action policies have attempted to bridge historical inequalities, data reveals that representation among Scheduled Castes (SCs), Scheduled Tribes (STs), and Other Backward Classes (OBCs) in key government positions continues to lag.

Representation in the Union Cabinet

The 2024 Union Cabinet formation reflected a calculated effort to include marginalized communities. Out of 71 ministers:

• OBCs: 27 ministers (~38%)

• SCs: 10–12 ministers (~14–17%)

• STs: 5 ministers (~7%)

• General/Upper Castes: 28 ministers

While these numbers suggest broad inclusion, representation does not necessarily translate to policymaking influence. Many of these appointments are often concentrated in less influential portfolios, raising concerns about tokenism.

Caste Representation in Bureaucracy

The Indian bureaucracy, particularly at higher administrative levels, remains dominated by the general category despite reservations. A 2023 parliamentary panel found:

• SC/ST officers at secretary-level positions: Only 4.8%, despite a 22.5% reservation quota.

• OBC representation in central government jobs: 21.57%, well below the mandated 27% quota.

• IAS (Indian Administrative Service) cadre: SCs and STs together constitute only about 15% of officers, despite their combined population share being over 25%.

This disparity is partly due to structural barriers, promotion stagnation, and discrimination in appointments. In elite services like the IAS and IFS (Indian Foreign Service), the representation of SCs/STs is significantly lower than in Group C and D positions, where reservation policies are more strictly implemented.

The Problem of Unfilled Reserved Posts

One of the most pressing issues is the backlog of unfilled reserved posts:

• A 2020 report estimated over 800,000 unfilled SC/ST/OBC positions in central government institutions.

• Between 2016–2017, only 63,876 reserved category vacancies were filled, leading to an underutilization of affirmative action policies.

• Many unfilled reserved posts are de-reserved and later assigned to general category candidates.

This systematic gap highlights the need for better implementation and monitoring of reservation policies.

Sectoral Disparities

Caste-based disparities are particularly visible in different employment sectors:

• Education: Reservation for SC/ST/OBC students in premier institutions like IITs and IIMs often goes underutilized due to lack of financial and academic support.

• Public Services: SCs are overrepresented in sanitation jobs (37%), an occupation historically associated with caste-based discrimination, while their presence in high-paying bureaucratic roles remains minimal.

Judicial and Political Roadblocks

• The Supreme Court’s Indra Sawhney Judgment (1992) capped reservations at 50%, limiting further affirmative action despite growing calls for caste census-based policy adjustments.

• The BJP government has faced criticism for not conducting a nationwide caste census, which could provide data to reshape affirmative action policies.

Way Forward

1. Stronger Reservation Implementation: Government institutions need stricter accountability for filling reserved category vacancies.

2. Caste Census: A comprehensive caste census would provide clearer insights into economic and social disparities.

3. Addressing Promotion Gaps: Ensuring that SC/ST/OBC officers are not just recruited but also promoted into leadership roles.

4. Education & Skill Development: Strengthening support systems for marginalized students in higher education.

Conclusion

While India has made strides in improving SC/ST/OBC representation in governance, significant gaps persist, particularly in higher administrative roles. Without proactive measures, the promise of social justice remains unfulfilled. To ensure a truly representative democracy, policies must not only focus on recruitment but also on empowerment, promotion, and meaningful participation of marginalized communities in decision-making roles.